Senkaku Sentinels - Part 1: Ramping up in a Crisis-Ridden Region
Analysts are still divided about why the Senkaku Incident turned 'hot' in May 2023. The increasingly aggressive stance adopted by China and its People's Liberation Army played a part. Mixed messaging from politicians in both Beijing and Tokyo added to the confusion. But the conflict may simply have been the inevitable outcome of Xi Jinping's escalating, expansionist rhetoric. To get to grips with the Senkaku Incident, it is necessary to review regional events and tensions immediately prior to the outbreak of active hostilities.
"You say you’ll change the constitution. Well, you know ..."
In March 2018, the Party Constitution of the Communist Party of China (CPC) and the 'un-written' State Constitution of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) were revised to eliminate presidential term limits. [1] This effectively made Xi Jinping 'President-for-Life' - as well as CPC Party General Secretary and Chair of the Central Military Commission. World opinion of China had been cooled by the militarization of the South China Sea and perceived 'debt traps' laid by Beijing's Belt and Road Initiative. International attitudes towards China became positively chilly when the July 2021 'Black Sheep' crack-down by the People's Armed Police (PAP) and People's Liberation Army (PLA) in Hong Kong further damaged the PRC's human rights reputation. [2]
Perhaps surprisingly, Beijing did little to halt the exodus of Hong Kong residents lucky enough to have foreign passports. Nor did the social-control meltdown in Hong Kong interfere with the PLA's probings of Taiwan's security arrangements.
Even in the 21st Century, Japanese relations with Taiwan have been intentionally 'opaque' in hopes of maintaining stable (and profitable) Japan-PRC relations. A modest improvement came with the 2021 establishment of the Japan-Taiwan Maritime Cooperation Dialogue (JT-MCD). Outwardly, little changed with the JT-MCD. Japan did not recognize the Republic of China as a sovereign state, only Taiwan as a maritime neighbour. As before, in the event of war between the ROC and PRC, Japan promised little more than humanitarian aid. And Taiwan upheld its territorial claims to 'Tiaoyutai' ... although Japan's 'stewardship' of the Senkaku Islands was acknowledged by Taipei. More positively, the JT-MCD allowed for intelligence sharing between Japan and Taiwan along with the coordination of their respective coast guard activities. [3] Surreptitiously, the coast guards acted as information-sharing intermediaries. 'Sanitized' Japanese Self-Defence Force intelligence was automatically supplied to the Japan Coast Guard (JCG). Intel on Chinese military activities, especially those near Japan's southern archipelago, was then shared with the ROC Coast Guard which, in turn, passed on this information directly to the Taiwanese military.
JT-MCD coordination of coast guards also helped address some fisheries issues through bipartisan research exercises. And there matters may have come to rest. A sea-change (no pun intended) came with the appointment of retired Vice-Admiral Yoji Koda - former Commander-in-Chief, JMSDF Fleet - as head of the Japanese delegation to the JT-MCD. As VAdm Koda had been an advisor to the Japan National Security Secretariat, the Government of Japan took seriously any concerns and warnings he might relay about about Chinese naval strategy. So too did Koda-san's Taiwanese opposites. That was the key motivator for arranging for the covert exchange of military intelligence. It was also a major instigator of a more forward positioning of Japan Coast Guard assets in the aftermath of repeated incursions by the Chinese Haijing [4] around the Senkaku Islands in February 2021.
Haijing High Jinks - 'Little Blue Men' and 'White Hulls'
As it turned out, the Japan Coast Guard's redeployment of assets south to the Ryukyu Islands chain came not a moment too soon. Incursions by Chinese vessels into the Japanese-controlled waters around the Senkakus had begun again in earnest. Towards the end of March 2023, JASDF Kawasaki P-1 aircraft on routine patrols began noting odd formations of Chinese fishing boats skirting the edges of Japanese territorial waters off the Senkaku Islands. By April, a regular cat-and-mouse game had begun between patrolling Japan Coast Guard ships and Chinese small craft pushing closer to the Senkakus. The pattern was worryingly similar to August 2020 when more than 100 small Chinese vessels were used to harass the Senkakus. Once again, Chinese 'fishing boats' transited the region without fishing and, most revealingly, without transmitting the Automatic Identification System (AIS) data, as such vessels are legally required to do.
Encounters became increasingly tense in the waters off the Senkakus during April 2023. As Japan Coast Guard vessels tried to escort interloping 'fishing boats' out of these territorial waters, packs of Chinese boats swarmed and circled the JCG craft. On 17 April, Chinese tactics began to ramp up. After a mock ramming attack by a Chinese boat on a 35-metre JCG Patrol Craft, guardsmen from PC-15 Kurinami [5] prepared to board their erstwhile attacker. That boarding plan was thwarted by the sudden appearance on deck of uniformed Chinese personnel armed with assault rifles. This appearance by the 'Little Blue Men' confirmed that these 'fishing boats' were actually operated by what the US DOD calls the People's Armed Forces Maritime Militia (PAFMM). Sensibly, the commander of the PC-15 withdrew to a safe distance and monitored the Chinese flotilla.
After this encounter, relations between the two nations quickly heated. As the Japan Coast Guard deployed more capable vessels around the Senkakus, Chinese Haijing cutters replaced Maritime Militia units. A special delegation of the Government of Japan flew to Beijing in an attempt to cool things down. The diplomatic mission seems to have had the opposite effect. In 'post-game analysis', it has been suggested that Tokyo's failure to invoke Article V of Anpo/Ampo (the 1960 Japan/United States Security Treaty) emboldened the Chinese leadership. However, such maritime clashes had occurred previously without being regarded as "armed attacks by a third party". Clearly, for reasons of internal politics, key members of the Suga Cabinet thought it essential that Japan be seen to be defending itself. [6]
At sea, several attempts were made by Haijing cutters to ram JCG patrol boats. The first incident, on 10 May 2023, involved Haijian 3184, an 1,800 tonne Shuwu class patrol cutter which ran at the 26 tonne Shiraume class patrol boat CL-06 Maya Sakura. [7] With its manoeuvrability and 29 knot top speed, the Maya Sakura was able to evade Haijian 3184. Another JCG patrol boat - the Hayagiku class CL-09 Tobiume was less fortunate. Slightly slower than Shiraume class boats, CL-09 was caught out by a 1,700 tonne Zhaotim class patrol cutter - the Yuzheng 45013. Rammed in its stern, the Tobiume quickly foundered and sunk. The JCG crew was picked up by the Haijing cutter and interned at Wenzhou until their release was negotiated six months after the Senkaku Incident had ended.
The next victim was the 10 metre Orion class surveillance boat, SS-76 Muribushi. [8] Although very fast, these fibreglass 'SS' boats proved vulnerable to the high-pressure water cannons mounted on Haijing cutters. That was the fate of SS-76. With its wheelhouse smashed by water cannons, the disabled 5 tonne craft was run down by Haijian 301, a ship with 100 times the displacement of the JCG boat. Rammed at high speed, the Muribushi didn't so much sink as disintegrate. Its task accomplished, the Haijing's Kaobo class simply sailed away, leaving the survivors from SS-76 to fend for themselves in the water. With that callous act, the Chinese had drawn first blood.
(To be continued ...)
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[1] Under the 1978 Party Constitution, Xi would have had to leave office at the end of his second term in 2023.
[2] The 13 July 2021 student protests in Kowloon's Hung Hom district marked the anniversary of the passing of Hong Kong's 'New Security Law'. Xia Baolong, the Director of the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office was sacked in the aftermath of the protest suppression. However, it seems that most of the civilian casualties were at the hands of the Hong Kong Police Force (and some PLA reservists), not People's Armed Police personnel.
[3] There were also tentative plans within the JT-MCD to permit exchanges of Japanese and ROC military liaison officers. However, a definitive decision on such exchanges was passed over to the 2024 JT-MCD sessions.
[4] This was reinforced by a reorganization of JCG assets - resulting in a considerable increase in the number of hulls assigned to 11th Regional Coast Guard Headquarters, Okinawa. We have avoided the PRC term 'Chinese Coast Guard'. Despite its use of 'white hulls', the Haijing is a component of the People's Armed Police (PAP).
[5] PC-15 Kurinami (ex-Takamatsu) was one of two Hayanami class Patrol Craft transferred south from the 6th Regional Coast Guard. The other hull was PC-12 Setogiri (ex-Imabari).
[6] This position was most strongly supported by then-Minister of Defence Nobuo Kishi - brother of former PM Shinzo Abe. (In the Feb 2024 Suga Cabinet shuffle, Kishi was moved to the Ministries of Administrative Reform and Civil Service Reform. In the Defence portfolio, Kishi was replaced by his predecessor - Taro Kōno. In that shuffle, Kōno also retained his position as Minister of State for Okinawa and Northern Territories Affairs.) Was Kishi 'shuffled' for advocating that Japan 'go it alone"? Many believe that it was Kishi's off-the-cuff remarks on the desirability of nuclear weapons for Japan which ultimately cost him the Defence portfolio.
[7] 'CL' is for 'Craft, Large' which refers to a variety of JCG general purpose patrol boats with nominal 20 metre lengths.
[8] Somewhat awkwardly, 'SS' is for 'Surveillance boat, Small'. In 2021, the JCG's 11th Regional District had four 'SS' boats - SS-62 Antaresu, SS-75, SS-76 Muribushi, and SS-77. These were later joined by two transfers from the 6th Regional District - SS-63 Bega (ex-Iwakuni) and SS-71 Kentaurusu (ex-Uwajima).